The block is a design research project exploring and mapping out the design constructions ranging from the actual material to the shape it takes to change the Palestinian landscape. To understand the physical boundaries, I showcase some of the realities under which the indigenous population lives. Through this work, I navigate various layers of oppression manifested in the Block. The Block is a barricade, a tunnel gate, a barbed wire, and the overpopulated concentration of Palestinians surrounded by military and walls. People living under these conditions are forced to cope and, more importantly, stand resilient against the day-to-day incursion of humanity, normality, and peace.

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context:

The territory of “Palestine” refers to the geographic region between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. Edward Said notes in his book The Question of Palestine that “Palestine became a predominantly Arab and Islamic country by the end of the seventh century. The landscape of Israel and Palestine is complex due to numerous reasons. The most prominent causes are the consecutive colonial campaigns that spawned for nearly two centuries. Late 19th century and before that, all the way till now, the landscape is continually altered. Shifts of power, systemic land grab, and mass expulsion of entire communities follow every new incursion. British colonialism of Palestine in the late 19th century paved the way for the establishment of Israel (1983, p. 144). When the British colonial forces withdrew in 1948 (Pappe 2006), they left the native population unarmed, fending against the notorious Zionist military “Haganah” and other Israeli military groups. What is known as the Nakba--Arabic for Catastrophe--ensued; approximately seven hundred thousand of the native population were forcibly removed from their lands (see Khalidi 1994; Morris 1987; Pappe 2006). Most sought refuge outside of Palestine, to neighbouring Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, and Egypt. Some sought refuge within. The Gaza Strip and the West Bank mostly consist of populations expelled in 1948 cities, towns, and now Israeli villages. There are over 16 refugee camps in Occupied Gaza and the West Bank existing to this day. The perpetual state of war for over 100 years has impacted the people heavily, beyond architecture and space. There is no concrete sociological survey of how the violent power shifts impacted the fabric of society living in different concentrations surrounded by fences and Blocks. In this design project, I explore the relationship between landscape and power structure manifested in the Israeli Occupation and before that, British colonialism in Palestine.

As a Palestinian and a designer-artist, I constantly examine my surroundings and try to project my understanding of them in art. I look deep at the different tools which became symbols of the Palestinian strife for human rights. The cement blocks, the barricades, barbed wires, and the wall are met with alternative routes and active and passive forms of disobedience that espouse hope and inspire creativity. The structure is there to distort space and tamper with time; the Palestinians cannot challenge it by performing the most basic task, such as going to school or maybe even breathing. Understanding the relationship between an occupied Palestinian and the visual tools of oppression is a crucial subject I intend to research for future projects and endeavours. I aim to give an alternative narrative to the conflict, one that tells the story of a day in the life of a native. As a Palestinian, I lived 22 years in the Gaza Strip, I survived the first Intifada 1987-1993 and the second intifada 2000-2004. the Palestinian civil war, 2005-2007, the deadliest Israeli military campaign, December 2008 - 15 January 2009, countless military incursions, and the worst for me was how our collective freedom of movement was systemically curbed or restricted, mainly in times of war and confrontation. Visually, it translated to buffer zones, giant roadblocks, cement barricades, and turnstile gates, actively keeping the landscape under perpetual surveillance. A city like Gaza, with a population of two million, has been under an unlawful Israeli air, sea, and land siege since 2007 (Pappe & Chomsky, 2010). The design manifested in Israeli cement barriers, military checkpoints, and armed settlers strongly suggests an apartheid ethnostate thriving on the drainage of Palestinian resources. I believe every oppressive regime is guilty of using public space to highlight disproportionality. In the case of Palestine, settler colonialism thrives on discrimination, i.e. social classifications which deem some cultures and identities more acceptable. You find social and political supremacy conveyed in isolated and militarised rich concentrations of wealth leaching off the back of the Other, in this case, the indigenous Palestinian. To the uninformed, misinformed eye, it may be unimportant. For the oppressed, every aspect of the landscape works to serve and maintain supremacy and oppression. The moral question should have a bigger influence on ensuring a humane, just world. Specifically, looking at the different settlements in Hebron and Bethlehem, one notices the vast inequality in access to space resources and infrastructure. The military protects the settler-only population from encroachment when settlement construction is an ongoing scheme to strip Palestinians from their land and livelihoods. The military ensures that the settlers have the upper hand to ransack any farm and steal more land from the Palestinians.

Spatial Investigation.

The goal of these maps is to utilize data representations to tell the story of the different Palestinian territories and highlight the illegality of settlements. The areas highlighted in green color indicate Palestinian concentrations and lands that are completely cut or interrupted from other areas making the best routes impossible to embark upon I,e making movement harder. As I further study this, It becomes clear to me the systemic decisions made which are then translated with new maps I,e new lines cutting through more territory to make way for settle colonialism. The perpetual land grab is one means Israel uses to insure suppression and oppression of the indigenous individual and community.
The first thought as I began narrowing down ideas for the project proposal was finding the various elements at play that help shape the landscape. I pondered, who controls the landscape? Who has ultimate access to it? Upon inspecting data pertaining to the geography, the politics, and history of the landscape, I aimed at zoning in on one crucial thing; The visuals deployed to monitor and restrict freedom of movement for the native population in the West Bank. The map aims to utilize illustrations that indicate checkpoints and other obstacles standing guard to maintain the perpetual land grab making way for more settler colonialism.
+ THE OCCUPIED WEST BANK AS FRAGMENTED SPACE

Downlode - Designed by the author: Bashar lubbad, licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Arabic typography to highlight “Soumod” as a defying culture,Soumod ,صمود (steadfastness or resilience) as a coping mechanism to deal with obstacles of material oppression. Beyond the means to cope with restrictions, there exists a persistence culture revealing itself in day to day life activities; the graffiti and memorials, the weddings and fashion. Normality is the sustained state of resilience.
Designed by the author: Bashar lubbad, licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Social Justice in Palestine: the theme of Somoud صُمود

By drawing parallels between the general understanding of Sustainability with the resilience of Palestinians living under physical boundaries, I attempt to bring my audience closer to the situation in Palestine. How can an entire population whose land identity and livelihood are threatened continue to thrive, innovate, and overcome?

Sumud, an Arabic term translating to "steadfastness" or "perseverance," signifies the resilience and determination of the Palestinian people to maintain their connection to their homeland, culture, and history, despite the challenges presented by occupation and displacement (Handal, 2016). The concept of Sumud, deeply rooted in Palestinian culture and identity (Qumsiyeh, 2011), is central to understanding the relationship between time, heritage, and resistance in Palestinian craft culture. Sumud is crucial for understanding the diverse experiences of resistance in Palestine, from individual artistic expressions to collective endeavours in preserving cultural heritage. This thesis examines how this foundational concept and temporal considerations contribute to the resilience of Palestinians by analysing the role of time, heritage, and resistance in Palestinian craft culture. Moreover, Sumud can also be viewed as a concept of sustainability in the Palestinian context, as it involves preserving and protecting cultural heritage, traditions, and identity. It embodies the idea of resilience and resistance against challenges and threats to cultural sustainability, such as occupation, displacement, and globalisation. Looking closely at Sumud, one finds the embodiment of cultural sustainability, which involves preserving and developing cultural heritage and identity (Soini & Birkeland, 2014) through upholding traditional crafts and their associated cultural practices in Palestinian craft culture, ensuring the continuity of intergenerational knowledge and skill transfer. Consequently, cultural identity and heritage are maintained, contributing to the overall sustainability of the Palestinian culture and society. From an economic standpoint, Sumud is reflected in the persistence of Palestinians in maintaining their livelihoods and economies under occupation. This economic resilience ensures the survival and development of local industries, including traditional crafts, contributing to economic sustainability (Davoudi & Blanco, 2015). Lastly, the environmental dimension of sustainability is also relevant in the context of Sumud. The concept emphasises the importance of maintaining a deep connection to the land. This relationship encourages sustainable land management practices, highlighting the link between cultural practices and environmental sustainability (Pretty et al., 2009). A deeper comprehension of Sumud enriches our broader understanding of sustainability, which can, in turn, guide the development of more culturally sensitive and sustainable design practices.

Screenshots 2021

THE ROAD MAP IN PIECES
Between every town, city, and refugee camp exists a barrier, checkpoint, watchtower, barbed wire or wall; Israeli checkpoints normalise the irregularity of time and place. The “RoadMap” begins where it ends; because travel time is irregular. It could take a Palestinian traveller up to 5 hours to get to the destination, while the Israeli, one hour. While an Israeli journey can use the highway connecting to the different illegal settlements and outposts, a Palestinian traveller has to cross through different checkpoints and roadblocks, often changing the means of transporting to be granted entry.
Design by author 2020

+ ID SYSTEM IN ISRAEL.

The question of intersectionality to me as an artist can be explained as the Venn Diagram of socio-economic, racial, sexual, ethnic, religious, and political identifiers, which sometimes overlap to highlight problems of systemic racism, sexism, and socioeconomic inequality. I thought of Christopher Columbus and how the celebration of his legacy highlights a Colonialist, Racist, and Brutal Legacy. However, I then changed my mind because I wanted the idea of intersectionality to be more relevant to my background and experiences. I come from the occupied land known as ‘Israel’. Intersectionality manifested best in Israel’s system of control imposed on the population through its colour-coded ID for Palestinians living across the occupied Land. As a Palestinian from the Gaza Strip, I carry a Green identification (ID) card issued by the Israeli military. Around 2 million of us live in an enclave completely sealed off by Israel's occupation since 2006. Gaza Strip is where the opportunity to leave is the exception to the rule. I do not have a passport, but I carry a travel document, and in most countries, I am considered stateless. There are 7-8 million of us Palestinians living in the occupied land as third-class citizens. Around 3 million life on the west bank, carrying a Green ID card and a travel document. Half a million live in Jerusalem carrying a Blue ID card, a residency status issued by the Israeli authorities that must be renewed every two years. Jerusalemite Arabs enjoy more freedom of movement at home and abroad, except in Gaza. If a Jerusalem resident travels abroad, they risk being denied residency by the Israeli authorities. To this day, Israel has no defined borders in the West Bank or Jerusalem as it continually expands its settlement project. Why is the system of identities issued by the Israeli occupation so racist? This colour-coded system, imposed in 1981 by the Israeli Military, is only imposed on the indigenous Arab population and is devised to control the population better. Its military constantly monitors the Israeli fenced-in/out enclaves of Palestinian territory. 25% of the population in Gaza has relatives in the West Bank but can not travel freely back and forth to visit them. A Gaza resident needs a special permit issued by the Israeli military. The permit process is tedious and most commonly rejected for unknown reasons. This parallels South Africa’s system of Apartheid imposed by the white minority over the indigenous majority.

Infographic 03 > Places where you are allowed to move and live

Infographic 01 > ID's Systems on population groups. The objective of the above illustration is to show how Israel’s system of identity cards is used to enforce apartheid and racial profiling of Palestinians. The diagram above shows the population of every category. I used circles of different colours attributed to the specific colour of the ID card. Every circle equals 50,000 ID cards. Israeli Jewish ID (6 Million people) the freedom of movement inside occupied land. A Jewish Israeli can practice politics without fear of reprisal from the Israeli government. An Israeli can go to most countries around the world without a visa. Israeli Palestinian ID: (1.8 Million) This group may enjoy the freedom of movement in and out of the occupied land. Still, it can not live, work, or own land in certain Jewish-only areas. Most of these groups live in Arab-only areas that are overpopulated and underserved by the Israeli state; the usual recipe for crime and lawlessness is East Jerusalem ID. (0.3 Million) as mentioned above, this group carries a residency card subject to revocation and deportation. While these Palestinians can enjoy the freedom of travel relatively but cannot live outside Jerusalem because their ID will be revoked. Palestinians living in Jerusalem are deported daily to make room for more Jewish-only settlements and infrastructure. Jerusalemite’s homes are often demolished, but the Palestinians living there can at least repair or expand their homes. West Bank ID. (3.2 Million) They live on less than 3500 square kilometres, cut by more than 300 military checkpoints and over 130 Jewish-only settlements, and the number is growing. Israel builds Jewish-only roads and facilities on the west bank, bypassing Palestinian villages and cities. In 2002 Israel built a wall separating each city from the other. A school trip which took 20 minutes can now take up to 2-3 hours. A wall surrounds a city like Qalqilya in the heart of the west bank, and the entire population accesses their city through a gate! Gaza Strip ID. (1.8 Million) According to the UN and various human rights organisations, Gaza is the biggest open-air prison controlled by Israel. Gaza Strip has been under Israeli land, air and sea blockade since 2006. In it lives 1.8 million Palestinians subjected to three brutal military campaigns in less than 10 years. By default, Gaza residents can not move anywhere outside the Gaza Strip. Even Though Gaza shares borders with Egypt, the Egyptian authorities impose similar restrictions to Israel's. Most of Gaza's population are refugees from the occupied lands now living in 8 refugee camps scattered across the Gaza Strip. The living conditions here for this population in these refugee camps are exceptionally worse than in Gaza City.

Infographic 02 > Population per square kilometre

How much of historic Palestine can be accessed, And by whom? Israeli citizens are free to move and live everywhere. While Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza are restricted from moving except with a special security permit which can only be approved by the Israeli Army. Nowadays, something as innocent as a Facebook post is enough to forever deem someone a security threat.

TEMPORARY URBAN DESIGN OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS

Understanding Palestinian Refugees: Palestinian refugees are identified by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) as individuals who inhabited Palestine between 1 June 1946 and 15 May 1948, and who were subsequently displaced, losing their homes and livelihoods due to the 1948 conflict . This period, called Al-Nakba النكبة /alˈnakbə/ (literally translating to 'the disaster' in Arabic), marks a significant historical event for Palestinians. During Al-Nakba, European Jewish settlers, with the backing of the British colonial government, displaced hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, paving the way for establishing the state of Israel . The concept of 'temporary' accommodation is essential when considering refugee camps, as defined by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This temporary refuge is intended for individuals forced to evacuate their homes due to violence and persecution. Yet, the precise meaning of 'temporary' remains ambiguous. Does it denote days, weeks, or months? And what transpires when this unspecified duration expires? To comprehend the term 'temporary' within the framework of Palestinian camps, we must strive to grasp the refugees' perception of permanence and stability in these transitory spaces . For over seven decades, officially recognised Palestinian refugee camps have existed within unoccupied Palestinian territories and neighbouring Arab countries. These camps, over time, have evolved significantly to accommodate an expanding population, transforming into thriving micro-cities and economic epicentres. However, these camps possess unique attributes that distinguish them from other towns and cities within Palestine. Their cramped alleyways echo tales from 70 years prior, recounting the loss of towns and villages to make way for what is now Israel . The physical layout of these camps has changed drastically over the decades, transitioning from scattered tents to tightly-packed dwellings of varying sizes that line the narrow alleyways. Some alleyways remain devoid of sunlight due to the proximity of buildings, while ropes of laundry stretch outside houses in these constricted pathways, carefully navigated by passersby. Electrical infrastructure in these camps often entails a chaotic entanglement of cables delivering power to dwellings. These camps ' street vendors and tobacco kiosks are regular sights.

Over time, the Palestinian refugee camps have undergone dramatic transformations, evolving from simple tent settlements to congested high-rise structures providing shelter to the fourth generation of refugees grappling with financial, political, and social struggles. The dense population and intricate layout of buildings, typically divided into sections that lead to a central market space, remain constant. These sections, or blocks, are often categorised by numbers or letters, each housing individuals likely displaced from the same village in Palestine circa 1948. By design, refugee camps are transient; they are established to be dismantled ultimately and theoretically should not foster a sense of history or the future. The primary objective is to deter recognition of their existence to avoid any potential implications on the refugees' right to return. Yet, despite this design, Palestinian refugees have endured statelessness for seventy years, creating a life within these camps that straddles the divide between private and public. Residents do not own their homes within the camps, and no municipal institutions exist to regulate vertical expansion or zoning issues. As a result, zoning disputes are frequent, and each new structural addition can require negotiations with numerous neighbours. Despite their provisional nature, these camps are in constant construction and reconstruction, with the term "temporary" scarcely reflecting reality. The transitory design of these camps can fluctuate over time, and paradoxically, the very impermanence of these spaces often becomes their strength. An illustrative case is Ramallah, which occupation forces can readily access due to its well-defined and familiar urban environment, unlike the refugee camps. Despite employing urban engineers, these forces have often failed to comprehend these camps' resilience and strategic design. Following the initial tent settlements, residents began upgrading to more robust shelters in the early 1960s. Each architectural intervention within the camp carried significant political implications, as the replacement of the symbolic tent marked a departure from the concept of temporariness. Although such a shift could be seen as undermining the right to return, it also emerged from a practical need for more secure living conditions. Nevertheless, refugees found innovative ways to uphold the transient and resilient culture of the camps. These spaces have retained their identity as centres of resistance through various means, such as graffiti, music, and political activism. Furthermore, according to displaced townspeople, the organisation of blocks within the camp has played a critical role in preserving the refugee narrative, ensuring the memories of pre-Israeli displacement remain alive.

Mahmoud Darwish eloquently captured the camp's evolving identity in his work, "Memory for Forgetfulness," by stating, "Faces on the walls – martyrs freshly emerging from life and the printing presses, a death which is a remake of itself. One martyr replaced the face of another, taking his place on the wall, until displaced by yet another or by rain."

Despite the significant shift from tents to shelters, the architecture within these camps still holds a profound temporariness. Yet, irrespective of its fleeting nature, the refugee camp continues to resonate with an essence of impermanence and defiance. Its identity remains intact, regardless of the changing surroundings, as each subsequent generation upholds the perpetual refugee status.

The camps have perennially been the epicentres of every political uprising and intifada. Although marginalised, the inhabitants persist in their refusal to accept anything short of a dignified return to their homeland.

Tracking the Evolution of Palestinian Refugee Camps: From Tents to Concrete, the subsequent narrative provides a visual account of the transformation of Palestinian refugee camps, from the inception of the tent as a primary shelter to the numerous adaptive practices by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the refugees themselves. The UNRWA was compelled to modify and augment the camp's dimensions and capacity to house the burgeoning refugee populace. Observations made from archival images have been used to analyse this transition, showcasing the tangible elements of construction and the necessary modifications to cater to the evolving needs of the inhabitants. At the outset, the UNRWA designed the camp layout and provided refugees with tents. The “tent” signified a provisional shelter, which could be removed at any moment, constantly reminding them of their transient existence in space. Refugees began to collect stones and cement blocks, constructing walls around their tents to deter water seepage. This initial intervention delineated private and public spaces, demonstrating the human impulse for survival and the reconstruction of life and livelihood.

Fig 01: Early camp interventions: Tents and foundational walls. Source: Lubbad, Base photograph (UNRWA1949).

In the late 50s, as the Zionist state became increasingly insistent on preventing the refugees' return to their villages, the UN began substituting tents with more durable shelters. The camp was partitioned into 80-100m² lots, each containing a prefabricated 12m² shelter with no running water. A single shelter was allotted to a family of six members, while families with six to eight members were given two. These shelters were built using asbestos walls and zinc roofs.

Fig 02: UNRWA's transition from tents to shelters. Source: Lubbad, Base photograph (UNRWA).

Over time, the lots expanded to include a bathroom; sometimes, a tent was erected on the roof to create additional space. The Palestinians were forced to adapt to compact spaces, a stark contrast to the expansive houses they were displaced from, which frequently encroached on the neighbour's primary landscape.

Fig 03: Refugees began to add extensions to their shelters. Source: Lubbad, Base photograph (UNRWA).

Designed Oppression

Mapping out different construction materials and designed objects such as fence wires, concrete blocks, the Separation wall, Watchtowers and Warning signs. Analyzing the images, one can visualize the experience of living under the Physical Boundary.

designed collage by: Bashar Lubbad : Images of warning signs hung in different areas of the controlled landscape.

Collection of images of warning signs hung in different areas of the controlled landscape.

NEW ROAD SIGBS FOR PALESTINE (Design by author 2021)

Screenshots 2021